6% GDP on Education: From a fantasy to a real program


Of the four trade union actions carried out by the Federation of University Teachers’ Association (FUTA) in the three decades of its existence, the one which ended last week was the first to conclude with no tangible material results.

On the other hand, the last trade union action was of great significance for two reasons.  Firstly, it was the first strike action by the university teachers. FUTA resorted to a different activity frame in comparison to the previous three occasions, namely resigning from voluntary positions that the university teachers held under normal circumstances.

Secondly, extending its 2011 strategy of taking the issue of education reforms beyond the boundaries of the university and to the general masses, FUTA, this time highlighted more general issues of education reforms than the specific demands of its members.  Hence FUTA was able to generate a broader discussion on the educational reforms that the country is badly in need of.

Concluding a Trade Union (TU) action with no concrete results is not an uncommon thing in the trade union history since the trade union action means a struggle between two opposite forces with substantially different interests.  Just because the TU action failed to register concrete and tangible gains, it does not necessarily mean that it was a failure.  Similarly, even it is a failure, it is not a ground for discontent or disappointment if the union membership and its leaders are able to decode the reasons for the failure and take necessary actions not to repeat them in future trade union actions.

So it is imperative for FUTA to have a critical reflection on the past union actions.

Why did it fail to win its demands?

Notwithstanding the fact that it was the trade union action which received the participation and the support of more than 90% of the university teachers and generated support of the significant layer of the society, this is difficult to comprehend.

Could it be due to the fact that some of the FUTA demands are not achievable in the prevailing economic and social context without far-reaching changes?

Was there a basic flaw in the frame of struggle?

Can the failure be attributed to the fact that although the FUTA was able to build pressure through mass action, the FUTA negotiation team had failed at the negotiation table?

In my opinion, these are the issues the FUTA should discuss and reflect on if it wants to continue as a trade union.

Although I have my own views on the above issues, I do not intend to discuss them in this article. My intention here is to re-draw the boundaries of the discussion on the FUTA demand of 6% of GDP for education.

Fantasies are of great importance and useful in building social movements. It is interesting to note that the FUTA was able to fantasize the demand of 6% of the GDP on education especially among the Sri Lankan internet community that is growing. Keeping the demand at the level of fantasy during the time of trade union action might also have helped the trade union action. Nonetheless, in the post-strike phase, it is imperative to re-read the demand in the light of the ideas that were flagged in the discussion. There were two criticisms on the FUTA demand to which I intend to turn shortly.

1. Critique of the Economists and the FUTA’s failure to respond

The economists reacted against the demand for 6% of GDP on education focusing on the demand’s practicality.  They correctly pointed out that the state’s contribution to the GDP had greatly reduced with the introduction of neo-liberal economic policies since 1977.  The total government expenditure as a proportion of the GDP has reduced to 22% in recent years. So, spending 6% out of this total government expenditure, according to them, is not practically possible.  This may be the reason why many economists attached to the department of economics, University of Colombo refused take part in the trade union action.

The answer to this criticism on the side of FUTA was not satisfactory. FUTA argued that 6% can be spent if the government is ready to reduce defence expenditure substantially and/or cut down corruption and wastage. This argument does not hold water. The main portion of the current defence expenditure is of recurrent nature. If the proposal for substantial reduction of the former is not linked to decommissioning with alternative employment, the implementation of such a proposal would create so many new problems.  So, in order to materialize FUTA’s demand for 6% of GDP for education, the demand should be linked with the expansion of the public economy.  In other words, it means a reversal of the 1977 neo-liberal economic policies.  Without moving towards an economy that is substantially dominated by the public sector, 6% is just an empty signifier.  Only such an economy can provide adequate expenditure on education, health, public transport, etc.

In order to reduce possible  misunderstanding, let me explain what I meant by public economy that is qualitatively different from the statist economy and/or private economy.  Health, education, public transport and such services should not be permitted to be  controlled either by state bureaucracy or by surplus-seeking capital.  Based on the experiences of the past, it is necessary to design a new system of management for these sectors.  The FUTA’s demand would be meaningful if and only if it is linked with such far-reaching changes in the prevailing economic system.

2. Teachers would have learned from the students:

In the course of the FUTA struggle, a clear difference emerged between the positions of the FUTA and that of the Inter-University Students Federation (IUSF). While FUTA stood for the defence of ‘state education’, IUSF had the slogan of defending ‘free education’. Is this a mere semantic difference?  In my view, these two demands are qualitatively different.  FUTA’s position implies that it has no objection to the presence of private sector education controlled by the logic of surplus-seeking capital with the state education.

Secondly, it also means the continuance of the present system as a system controlled by the state bureaucracy especially in school education. On the other hand, IUSF wanted to continue the free education system originally initiated by E W Kannangara.  In Sri Lankan education discourse, the term widely used to denote public education system has been free education. Why did FUTA change it? No explanation was given. Admittedly the IUSF demand is not clear about the system of management of the free education system or how the free education system could be freed from the state bureaucracy and put under a democratic control of the educationists. However, its demand at least emphasizes the need of inversing the changes that are now clearly visible in the education system.

What I have said above on the public education system can be equally applicable to other sectors such as health that need to be freed from two dominant control mechanisms, namely, capitalist and statist. Humankind has come to the stage when it should discover new mechanisms to govern their lives.

The writer is a co-coordinator of the Marx School, Colombo, Kandy and Negombo. Read more of his writings here

All images are credited to Kalpa Rajapaksha

Are you being threatened? For Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri and all who doth protest

Gaya’s intro: “We don’t agree, my friend and I” are Malinda’s words and that is precisely how I feel when I read some of Malinda’s writings on the FUTA demands from the State. I do not agree with his tone, perspective, and though he raises valid points, I differ on how he communicates what I see as an opportunity for both the GoSL and FUTA which could lead to better things. However, as I said to a new Toronto friend on FB yesterday “I don’t choose friends based on their opinions” and so I consider Malinda and all those who opine different, friends.  For on some things, we all agree.

This post was first published on June 23rd and I think it is timely to re-post it as a reminder of what protestors face on a daily basis and especially after a protest is over and the media turns the cameras away.


We don’t agree,
my friend and I,
we don’t agree to disagree
but we intersect
at commonalities
respect and decency
the worth of scholarship
the privileging of debate;
we have different premise-platforms
and so,
my friend and I
we disagree.

But he is a father and so am I

he has a daughter, I have two
some third rate punk snoops around
and he gets upset;
I would too.

They’ve come with a claim:

‘From the top’;
they’ve come
and it matters not
if claim is true or false,
it matters only
that claim is a possible,
it matters also
that my friend is friend
but more than this,
he is citizen
and even more than that
he speaks his mind.

He speaks

and therefore
I can speak too;
and so I speak here
so he can speak louder.

[I will not stand shoulder-to-shoulder
with every chip-shouldered
out-of-power, want-power
loud-mouthed objector;
for I pick and choose my company,
may I add?]

My friend and I

we disagree
but there’s never been
and never will be
one word in anger.

I stand with him,
without hesitation,

and with utmost pride.

From Malinda Poems



Crisis in University Education in Sri Lanka – Would it lead to undesirable consequences ?


Among all the fundamental rights mentioned in the Human Rights Charter, the right to education stands out as a key right any human being should have. It is the educated who have brought about many social changes in society. It is perhaps because our leaders of that time thought of the importance of education that they introduced free education during the early days after Sri Lanka became independent. It is those who benefited from free education who contributed most to the welfare of the country in the days following independence. That should have spurred the leaders of Sri Lanka to foster and promote the system of free education in the country. Unfortunately, that is not what happened.
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FUTA Stories : 6% is not enough !



What does this FUTA protest mean to the rest of us ?

The FUTA trade union action has gathered momentum and means something to post-war Sri Lanka. In the media there are many interpretations of what FUTA means to Srilankans and its great to read them all. Yet even though the FUTA action can be interpreted as proof of the academic right to dissent, to opine that it has morphed beyond issues of educational reform et al is to distort its real significance to people from all political affinities, ethnicities, faiths and belonging to local and Diaspora.
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FUTA Stories: Two university students died this morning


Two University students died this morning in the Gampaha-Imbulgoda area. their names are Janaka and Sisitha.

They were on a motorcycle and were speeding say eyewitness accounts. Both were instantly killed when the motorcycle hit a lamp post and nothing further is clear at this moment.  This is the news report published earlier today.  Janaka and Sisitha are activists in the Inter-University Student Union and were on their way to carry out organisational tasks related to the protests when this fatal accident took place.  Fingers are pointed and outrage is gathering dust. Suspicion as always shrouds the incident which could have been a motorcycle accident, tragic but not a premeditated killing linked to the identity or activity of the two young people.

How will FUTA react? This is a crucial stage in the nonviolent trade union action for better state education.

Even as the temperature rises FUTA would do well to give their colleagues and supporters the reassurance that they are not reactionary. They must keep in focus the main demands that resulted in this nonviolent protest in order to engage the Government in discussions from a position with greater leverage of power.  A violent reaction by the students could only bring discredit to the Union action and a derailment of the overall objective of the action taken by FUTA.

Janaka and Sisitha RIP. Speed may have once again claimed lives mercilessly.  Beyond that we do not know at this moment any other sinister cause of your death.  Yours was an all-too-early death and we mourn you.


FUTA STORY: Open a school door, close a prison !!

VIVIMARIE VANDERPOORTEN Open a School Door, Close a Prison

This is a photoessay of the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) – Trade Union Action 2012, Sri Lanka. The wonderful soundtrack with multilingual lyrics was specially composed for FUTA’s campaign by Faculty of Music, University of the Visual & Performing Arts, Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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FUTA stories : The FUTA strike and the conspiracy stories



“All in the FUTA are quite aware of the fact the UPFA is not a weak government that can fall, merely because academics are engaged in a protracted strike. They know that bringing political pressure on the government is a legitimate and lawful strategy to win their trade union demands. Unions usually do such mobilization as a part of trade union politics. However, mobilization can spread to other sectors, not because of the FUTA action, but because of the way in which the government handles it.”

Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda